This thesis examines the syntax of sharing coordination constructions, in which a single phono- logically overt element at the periphery of one conjunct is interpreted to belong syntactically and semantically to both conjuncts. I argue for a multiple dominance analysis of these constructions, against ellipsis and literal movement approaches, which I formalize in a lexicalized tree adjoining grammar (LTAG) framework. This analysis extends the empirical domain of previous TAG research beyond shared arguments to provide an account of shared modifiers, lexical items and derivationally non-local sharing. Finally, I define a linearization algorithm that linearizes the terminals of multiple dominance structures and produces the novel result of deriving the peripherality conditions on both left and right sharing constructions.
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