DiGRA 2005: Changing Views: Worlds in Play, 2005 International Conference

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Towards the unification of intuitive and formal game concepts with applications to computer chess

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-04-17
Abstract: 

In computer game development, an interesting point which has been little or no studied at all is the formalization of intuition such as game playing concepts, including playing style. This work is devoted to bridge the gap between human reasoning in game playing and heuristic game playing algorithms. The idea is motivated as follows. In most chess-like games there exist many intuition-oriented concepts such as capture, attack, defence, threaten, blocked position, sacrifice, zugzwang position and different playing styles such as aggressive, conservative, tactical and positional. Most human players use to manage these concepts, pergaps in an intuitive way, as they were not well formalized in a precise manner. A good formalization of these concepts would be an important step towards the automation of human reasoning in chess (and other strategy games) for better understanding of the game, thus leading to better playing. The goal of this research is to take a first step towards the unification of both "paradigms", namely human reasoning in game play and more formal heuristic concepts. We focus on computer chess as an example but the result could be also applied to most two-player zero-sum perfect information games. The applications of such a formulation are practical, such as better game understanding and opponent modeling, as well as educational: it would be nice to have these concepts somehow formalized. Then we suggest a way of transfering these intuitions into formal definitions. We propose an interpretation technique for describing chess positions and evaluation functions. The technique consists of interpreting and mapping part of the algorithmic scenario into quantities such as integer numbers. With such a mapping a given concept is likely to be described in a very precise way. As an application we look for candidate definitions of the following concepts: attack, defence, threat, sacrifice, zugzwang, aggressive play and defensive play. For each one of them we use the previous technique and propose a formal definition. Thus we give the first formulation of game playing styles -at least to the author's knowledge- and we show how this definition goes through for the game of chess. We describe different possibilities when moving from intuition to the formal setting, varying from a simple formulation through a connectionist approach. Then we show as an application how an evaluation function can be modified in order to include a given concept. This new evaluation function should take into account the degree of presence of the given concept (eg. how defensive is a given position) and thus it can be incorporated into a computer chess program. An advantage of allowing one to modify in such a manner an evaluation function is that one can combine different evaluation functions and -perhaps- get the better of each one of them. Although this is a first step in the given direction, some more difficult tasks will remain, such as the formalization of the so called positional, strategic and tactical play. References B. Abramson. Learning expected-outcome evaluators in chess. In H. Berliner, editor, Proceedings of the AAAI Spring Symposium on Computer Game Playing, pages 26-28, Stanford University, 1988. B. Abramson. On learning and testing evaluation functions. Journal of Experimental and Theoretical Artificial Intelligence, 2(3):182-193, 1990. T. S. Anantharaman. Evaluation tuning for computer chess: Linear discriminant methods. International Computer Chess Association Journal, 20(4):224-242, 1997. E. B. Baum, Warren D. Smith. Best Play for Imperfect Players and Game Tree Search. 1993 J. Fürnkranz. Machine Learning in Computer Chess: The Next Generation Austrian Research Institute for Artificial Intelligence, Vienna, TR-96-11, 1996. A. Plaat, J. Schaeffer, W. Pijls and A. De Bruin. Best-First Fixed-Depth Game-Tree Search in Practice. IJCAI'95, Montreal. J. Schaeffer, P. Lu, D. Szafron and R. Lake. A Re-examination of Brute-Force Search Games: Planning and Learning, Chapel Hill, N.C., pp. 51-58, 1993. AAAI Report FS9302.

Document type: 
Conference presentation

Opening the Production Pipeline: Unruly Creators

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Date created: 
2005-05-29
Abstract: 

Opening the Production Pipeline: Unruly Creators and Enjoyment John A. L. Banks Online Communications Director Auran www.auran.com Project Leader Australasian CRC for Interaction Design Postdoctoral Research Fellow (As from January 2005) Creative Industries Research Applications Centre Queensland University of Technology This paper draws on material from a recently submitted PhD dissertation, "Participatory Culture and Enjoyment in the Video Games Industry: Reconfiguring the Player–Developer Relationship". The dissertation is an ethnography of the game developer–fan relationship. Working from the intersection of cultural studies and new media studies, it offers an analysis of the rapidly transforming, reconfigured relationships between users and media producers in the games industry. It provides a mapping of the relations between production and consumption practices in the video games industry, through an ethnographic account of Auran, a PC game development company located in Brisbane, Australia, covering the period from mid-1997 through to 2004. It is about my entanglement, as both a researcher and creative industries worker, in the network of relations built between Auran and online gamer fans. From June 2000 my relationship with Auran shifted when I accepted employment as the company’s online community relations manager. This role largely involves managing Auran’s relations with an online rail-fan community that formed around the game development project, Trainz (www.auran.com/TRS2004): a train and railroad simulation released in December 2001. I examine how Auran has increasingly incorporated and involved train and rail fans in the process of designing and making Trainz. Using the tools provided with Trainz, users can make their own 3D rail world layouts and import 3D models of locomotives, and then share them with other users through the Trainz website Download Station. This end-user creativity and innovation is an integral part of the simulation’s design. These participatory culture initiatives in the games industry are potentially redefining entertainment software towards an open-ended process in which users participate directly in the design, production and marketing processes. Involving fans in the game production cycle has become part of wider media industry trends in which audiences are engaged in ways that are reconfiguring the consumer–producer nexus. The commercial success of the Trainz project over a series of releases (most recently Trainz Railroad Simulator 2004) has come increasingly to rely on the unruly assemblage of this ad hoc distributed coproduction network of voluntary fan labour. This paper describes how the creative activities of a network of fan content creators have become integral to the continuing Trainz project. The disorganised network of immaterial, affective labour of fan community content-creators, forum moderators, beta testers and promoters is a collective labour force and power that Auran requires and relies on. It is precisely this reliance that also opens up possibilities for reconfiguring the boundaries between the proprietary and the non-proprietary. Drawing on recent work by Tiziana Terranova and Maurizio Lazzarato (among others) that considers the status of labour in creative industry networks, I discuss how Auran has sought to manage and enlist this unruly and messy network of affective, immaterial labour. I argue that this is not simply a case of the exploitation of unknowing fans as a source of free labour, as it is from these uneven negotiations that participatory culture itself is being made. I briefly engage with fandom research by Henry Jenkins, Matt Hills and others to consider how these emerging dynamics between Auran and the Trainz fans indicate a significant reconfiguration of the networks through which categories such as fan, consumer, producer and developer are made. I argue that these complex and necessary entanglements of the proprietary and the non-proprietary, the commercial and the non-commercial, are not necessarily an appropriation of fandom by corporate bottom-line agendas. It would be a mistake to view these emerging participatory culture relations as shaped and configured through an opposition between the commercial and the non-commercial, the corporate developer and the fan community. Rather than being exterior and oppositional terms, these entities that are "Auran" and "the Trainz fan community" are immanent to these proprietary–non-proprietary and commercial–non-commercial dynamics. What if these participatory and interactive potentials are not so much constrained by informational capitalism as a condition of possibility for the functioning of the new economy? What are the ideological implications of opening the production pipeline to unruly fan creators? How should we respond to the video games industry’s invitation to participate in the making of new media objects and projects? The opening of the game industry production process to end-user involvement and labour is a strategy to extract and capture surplus value. The paper argues that a condition of possibility for this relationship, and for the emergence of participatory culture, is the fans’ passionate, affective investments in these networks and their creative potentials — in other words, a surplus enjoyment. Drawing on the work of Slavoj Žižek, I suggest that — far from being a site of opposition to corporate strategies — the Trainz fans' passionate attachments to trains and rail— fan affect — is instead the very mechanism through which ideology functions. Are fans’ affective investments contained and controlled by management strategies? What if the very possibility and success of these strategies rely on an unruly excess of fan enjoyment? This relationship between surplus value and surplus enjoyment is not an obstacle to capital. Nevertheless, this excessive supplement which sustains the day-to-day operations of participatory culture networks, such as that described in this paper, cannot be seamlessly harnessed to commercial imperatives — it is radically undecidable. This undecidability and radical contingency in the messy relations among the commercial and non-commercial do not get in the way of doing and making participatory culture. They are not an obstacle to be overcome, but the very condition of possibility for making these networks. This paper’s core argument is that there is a necessary, but quite undecidable, relationship between surplus-enjoyment and the productive surplus-value that game developers such as Auran seek to extract from the labour of these emerging fan networks. In seeking to think through the implications of our participations in the making of these participatory culture networks with rigour and with the wealth of detail of a particular case history, this paper offers a modest witness to the negotiations and renegotiations of these participatory culture relations and to the disturbing enjoyment in playing and colluding in the networks of informational capitalism.

Document type: 
Conference presentation

An Irrational Black Market? Boundary work perspective on the stigma of in-game asset transaction

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-05-31
Abstract: 

Eastern Asia's online gaming market has undergone spectacular growth over the past seven years, this has been due to the mass broadband internet distribution in South Korea and Taiwan. According to a survey conducted by the Taiwan Network Information Center(TWNIC 2004), Taiwan has over 9.36million broadband internet users, and within these users,18.11% stress out that their most frequent online activity is playing online games, this number implies that there are at least 1.96million online gamers in Taiwan alone. Along with the growth of online gamer populations, is the bursting growth of secondary markets for in-game assets, in these markets players trade in-game assets or currency with real cash. In the past these transactions take place between individual players, but with the fast growing demand for large amounts of in-game currency, many internet cafes and workshops transformed their business into specialized "production" and selling of in-game currency. By hiring low-waged workers known as "currency farmers" to play around the clock in "producing" in-game currencies, these "in-game asset companies" are able to keep an abundant supply, without violating most game companies’ strict policies to hunt down "macros" and "treasure cloning." Despite the prosperous growth of these secondary markets for in-game assets, the general public and the media still sees these transactions with a negative perspective, often portraying them as black markets filled with fraud and violence, 217 out of 242 (89.67%) reports of in-game asset trade found on the United Daily News(one of Taiwan’s most popular newspapers) used descriptions like "black market" "dangerous" or "strange." This kind of news agenda-setting matches the society’s moral panic towards gaming and cyberspace, consolidating the general stereotype of in-game asset buyers as irrational, heavy game addicts, and the sellers as frauds gaining unearned income. But are the participants in these markets really irrational? Are the sellers really gaining unearned income? Past studies on these secondary markets for in-game asset were mainly based on economic perspective, focusing on the possible effects of in-game markets on the real world economic markets, or descriptions of the mechanisms of in-game economy. Economics define rationality as "efficiency" and "consistency," efficiency means that the individual will choose the comparative advantageous choice after comparing the costs and benefits of every available choice. Consistency is an assumption made for economic-modal analysis, meaning that every individual has a specific set of preference that will not change over time. From the economics view, the most often heard buyer’s explanation: "Why shouldn’t I buy these in-game assets? I don’t have time to slowly progress in the game, just a small amount of my salary can make the game more fun for me. And besides, the time I saved can be used to be with my friends and family, or even used to earn more real money." Is a perfect example of economic rationality, the individual allocates his/her limited resources in the most efficient way according to his/her preference. The sellers on the other hand, must carefully calculate the amount of time or labor cost deployed into the production of in-game assets, and afterwards the seller must spend more search cost or even more labor cost of hiring "delivering person" to eliminate transactional risks in order to finish the transaction, again a wonderful performance of economic rationality, if at some point the costs exceeds the benefit, the seller will surely quit immediately. The economic perspective explained the cause of these markets and the individual incentives for participating in these transactions, but the economist missed out on the society’s impact in forming these markets. In other words, the economic explanations does not explain why these markets came to be seen as dangerous black markets, if it is the "virtual" nature of the goods involved in these transactions, then why isn’t the digital music industry viewed as a social problem? Obviously there are hierarchical differences in how different markets are viewed, and the economic explanations disregarded the cause of these differences. The supply and demand explanations offered by economists also ignored the actual interpretation of the participants’ behavior from their own view, and the hierarchical differences within gamer communities in facing "sellers", "buyers" or "currency farmers". The common image of the buyer as "rich working adults" and the sellers as "teenagers with too much time to spare" may just be an indication of the more delicate forms of segregation among gamer communities. In my research I will gather information on the process of these transactions and the participant interpretations of their action through participant observation and in-depth interview. Then try to explain the cause of the societal black market view, and the participent’s strategies to fight back, cover, or pass(Goffman, 1979)from a "boundary work" perspective, which is a more flexible analysis of how groups are created, formed, and maintained through social interaction to distinguish "we" and "others"(Lamont, 1992; Zerubavel, 1991). And finally I will try to combining the society’s impact and the participants’ action, to explain the formation of these markets, and various interaction mechanisms within them. References Goffman, E. (1979). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. New York, Penguin Books. Lamont, M. (1992). Money, morals, and manners: The culture of the French and American upper-middle class. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press. TWNIC (2004). http://www.twnic.net.tw/download/200307/0407release.doc Zerubavel, E. (1991). The fine line: Making distinction in everyday life. New York, The Free Press.

Document type: 
Conference presentation

Early Games Production in New Zealand

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-04-16
Abstract: 

THEME: Internationalism: Worlds at Play This paper reports on research into the early history of computer and video games in New Zealand. It focuses in on the anomalies of the availability and supply of game systems to this small nation, and its burgeoning market of players, particularly in the 1970s and 80s. Several early consoles (the Vectrex, Coleco and Intellivision) were not released in New Zealand. At the same time, however, there was a significant local production scene. At last count, six different companies were involved in arcade machine manufacture, and there are at least four different early consoles that were made in New Zealand (Sportronic, Tunix, Fountain, Videosport). Handhelds were both imported from Asia and (part) manufactured locally. On the microcomputing front, an important early site for home gaming and the programming of games, computers like the Sega SC-3000 (which made it into few markets outside of Japan) were a big success in New Zealand, spawning several magazines and many user’s groups. This illustrated paper will present an overview of this largely unknown history. It draws on in depth archival research, interviews with key industry participants and collectors. It will discuss why the availability of games in this market differed from more mainstream ones, and what some of the factors were that contributed to game technologies finding their markets (or not). These include the small size of the overall market, a lack of distributors, local tax restrictions and import licensing, and the practice of ‘dumping’ excess stock. These factors not only ensured a time lag between when games were released internationally and in New Zealand, they also seem to have created the conditions for a local manufacturing scene. Also significant are the resemblances between local products and internationally recognisable ones: the locally written ‘clones’ of classic games like "Scramble" and "Panic" whose relations to the ‘original’ need to be understood in terms of homage and esteem as well as being functions of what was technically possible. Local programmers drew inspiration from others’ concepts, as distinct from their code. This research has been conducted for an exhibition on the social history of gaming in New Zealand, to open at Te Manawa museum in late 2005 www.temanawa.org.nz/gameplay

Document type: 
Conference presentation

Game mediated communication: Multiplayer games as the medium for computer based communication

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-05-31
Abstract: 

BACKGROUND As computer games have evolved over time many new features and game aspects have been introduced, such as the player-to-player communication of multiplayer games. Here, interaction between players can make up the major content of gameplay, shifting the burden of producing the plot away from the game designers to the players themselves. While there still has to be a degree of plot and narration also in a multiplayer game, much focus is on the communication activities of the players participating. Player-to-player communication may be divided into in-game communication and out-of-game communication, the latter often taking place in web based forums. Such out-of-game communication may include the buying and selling of desirable game items, as reported by Castronova: "Records at one web site show that on an ordinary weekday (Thursday, September 6, 2001), the total volume of successfully completed auctions (N-112) was about $9,200." (Castronova 2003). In-game communication can be subdivided into in-character and out-of-character communication, the former being performed in such a way that the atmosphere of the game is preserved. This can be a key aspect in many multiplayer games, and may leave a strong impression on the player. Also in action games with a modest number of players and a high degree of fast combat situations, player-to-player communication may be a key feature, as observed by Wright et al.: "The meaning of playing Counter-Strike is not merely embodied in the graphics or even the violent game play, but in the social mediations that go on between players through their talk with each other..." (Wright et al. 2002). With real time player-to-player communication in place, multiplayer games fulfill all criteria for being Networked Virtual Environments, as defined by Singhal and Zyda: "1) A shared sense of space, 2) A shared sense of presence, 3) A shared sense of time, 4) A way to communicate, and 5) A way to share" (Singhal and Zyda 1999). Also, if the communication is taken to include not only text but also sound, then crucial parts of the "Rich Interaction" outlined by Manninen can be implemented in multiplayer games (Manninen 2001, 383-398). Regarding the time spent in multiplayer game environments, a survey conducted by Egenfelt-Nielsen in 2002 showed that 46.94% played 12 hours or more per week (Egenfelt-Nielsen 2002). A study by Castronova shows that 31.5% of the players over 18 years of age devoted more time in a typical week to playing the online game EverQuest than they did to working (Castronova 2001). Sony Online Entertainment Inc. reports having sold over 2 million copies of EverQuest, experiencing over 118,000 simultaneous players during peak hours. (Sony 2004). RESEARCH QUESTION As in-game communication is a key issue in many multiplayer games, the aspect of computer mediated communication in general may be closely associated with those games. As such games are being played by large numbers of players, its possible that these games may be perceived by many as the natural place to perform computer based communication in general. The research issue addressed in this paper is to find out if computer based chatting is spontaneously associated with multiplayer games by some individuals, and, if so, the nature of these associations. METHODOLOGY Two studies were conducted through interviews with students in two cities in Sweden. The students, 10-15 years of age, were interviewed about their computer based communication activities. Whole school classes were interviewed, to ensure that not just students interested in computer related issues participated. As a key aspect was investigating spontaneous associations, the interviewer never mentioned computer games related issues. RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS Results show that multiplayer games were spontaneously pinpointed by 16.83% of all students using computer based chat. Positive remarks dominated significantly, but some negative aspects were mentioned, such as difficulty chatting and playing simultaneously. Geograpical differences were minor, with the students in the capital city of Stockholm being slightly less frequent to associate computer based chatting with multiplayer games, 15.56% versus 17.89% in the smaller city of Umeå. The Umeå students associated computer based chat with multiplayer games to a somewhat higher degree when positive sides of chat was discussed, 14.28% compared to 11.11% of the students in Stockholm. Spontaneous association of computer based chatting with multiplayer games is just slightly more common among the younger students, 17.07% (age 10-12), as among the older ones, 16.67% (age 13-15). A larger difference is seen regarding positive versus negative issues of chatting. Among the younger students, only 2.44% mentioned multiplayer games when discussing negative aspects of computer based chat, while 5.00%, of the older students did this. Both these figures are low, however, compared to how often multiplayer games where brought up when discussing positive aspects of the chatting: by 14.63% of the younger students and 11.67% of the older students. Of the answers spontaneously mentioning multiplayer games, 76.47% came while discussing positive sides of computer chatting, and 23.53% while discussing negative aspects. Typical examples include: "Then you can play in teams, because you've got to talk then" (boy, grade 9), and "That you can warn your friend in Counter Strike" (boy, grade 6). Some answers describe situations where chatting is used to express strong feelings, like "That you can scream when you get shot" (boy, grade 7), and: "That they say swear words when they play" (girl, grade 9). The last quote above is one of relatively few negative-context associations of chat with games. Most of the negative associations that did occur related to the flow of game time, "It can stop the game" (boy, grade 4), or: "When you miss something because you chatted. In games i mean" (boy, grade 7). As has been pointed out in (Juul 2003), most action games have a 1:1 mapping between player time and the event time. Thus there is a need to manage simultaneous chatting and playing in order not to miss any of the gameplay. It is interesting to note that this is perceived as a problem by some, indicating that further development in this area might result in improved multiplayer games. REFERENCES Castronova, Edward. 2001. Virtual worlds: A first-hand account of market and society on the cyberian frontier. CESifo Working Paper No. 618. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID294828_code020114590.pdf... Castronova, Edward. 2003. On Virtual Economies. In Game Studies – the international journal of computer game research, volume 3, issue 2, December 2003. http://www.gamestudies.org/0302/castronova/ Egenfelt-Nielsen, Simon. 2002. Online gaming habits. In Game Research – the art, business and science of computer games. http://www.game-research.com/art_online_gaming.asp Juul, Jesper. 2003. Time to play – An examination of game temporality. In First Person: New Media as Story, Performance, and Game. Edited by Wardrip-Fruin N and Harrigan P. MIT Press. Manninen, Tony. 2001. Rich interaction in the context of networked virtual environments – experiences gained from the multiplayer games domain. In Joint Proceedings of HCI 2001 and IHM 2001 Conference. Edited by Blanford A, Vanderdonckt J and Gray P. Springer-Verlag. Singhal, S., and Zyda, M. 1999. Networked virtual environments: Design and implementation, ACM Press. Sony. 2004. Square Enix to publish Sony Online Entertainment’s EverQuest® II in Japan. Press release from Sony Online Entertainment, May 11, 2004. http://sonyonline.com/corp/press_releases/051104_square_sony.html Wright, Talmadge, Eric Borgia and Paul Beridenbach. 2002. Creative player actions in FPS online video games – Playing Counter-Strike. In Game Studies – the international journal of computer game research, volume 2, issue 2, December 2002. http://www.gamestudies.org/0202/wright/

Document type: 
Conference presentation

Among pasta-loving Mafiosos, drug-selling Columbians and noodle-eating Triads – Race, humour and interactive ethics in Grand Theft Auto III

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-05-28
Abstract: 

This paper explores the intersection of race, humour and interactivity in GTA3. Interactivity has been extensively researched, race issues in games have been scarcely studied (Leonard 2003), but hitherto no research has focused on humour aspects of games despite the popularity of this subject in non-academic discussions on the Internet (BBC News 2001; Perry 2001). Previously, content analysis of games has been focused on narrative aspects (Aarseth 1997; Murray 1998) or psychological links between games and violence (Grossman 1995; Irwin and Gross 1995; Griffiths 1997; Kirsh 1998; Anderson and Dill 2000). It has been claimed that a substantial part of this research "tend to view video games as toys for kids, rather than sophisticated vehicles inhabiting and disseminating racial, gender, or national meaning" (Leonard 2003). This approach to video games as being ontologically frivolous might be traced to the moralizing dynamic of academic activity (Gustafsson 1994). This paper is based on assumptions challenging these perpectives, treating video games as a powerful medium for diffusing cultural and symbolic meanings. In this paper, we will expand and develop this stream of thought by arguing that video games provide in addition to diffusing cultural and symbolic meanings, new loci of reflection and critique of issues of social concern, such as ethics, ideologies, stereotypical depictions of race, class and gender. In this paper the dimension of race will be developed. This theoretical development will be elucidated by analysing Grand Theft Auto III, which is one of the most popular game titles during the last years, and generally in the history of games. The game has become highly controversial and much-talked-about not only for its explicit depiction of violence or global popularity, but also very much for the sarcastic and humoristic representation of society issues such as law enforcement, ethnicity, modern (American) urban life, crime, legal systems and class differences. The analysis is based on a fundamental assumption that video/computer games are texts and should be read as such. Just as Ien Ang (1985)sees the TV series Dallas as a text this analysis will be based on a similar belief. In the case of computer games this assumption is more controversial since the object of analysis is not linear as texts and films. This issue divides video game theorists – those who treat games as texts, so-called narrativists (Murray 1998), or those who oppose this notion and believe games require a totally new "ludological" approach (Aarseth 1997)based on the intrinsically unique characteristics of play in video games. Although we do not criticise the ludological approach GTA3 will be read as a text thus supporting the arguments of narrativists. We will juxtapose two drastically different analytical perspectives when studying racial issues of GTA3. The first perspective is Critical Race Theory (CRT). It posits that racism is a normal and not abnormal phenomenon in society (Delgado and Stefanic 2000a). Another assumption in CRT is called "interest convergence" meaning that the rights of ethnic groups are only promoted and accepted when they converge with the interests of dominating (white) groups, creating a status quo which is hard to challenge (Delgado and Stefanic 2000b). CRT believes this status quo can be opposed in the form of storytelling where the myths, presuppositions and other discourses of race oppression are questioned. CRT writers pay particular attention to legal storytelling and narrative analysis as a way of opposing discriminating discourses of race within the legal system. Basically CRT writers assume that race is a social construction and are consequently opposing any anti-essentialist arguments. Various social constructions of race created for different races expose the different racialization of ethnic groups. Somewhat contradictory to the anti-essentialist notion, CRT believes in the unique voice of colour which means that each race has specific and unique knowledge that can only be communicated by that race. Furthermore CRT calls for revisionist history that re-examines majoritarian interpretations of history trying to replace these with explanation more in agreement with the knowledge of minorities. CRT also criticises liberalism due to its belief in colour blindness and neutral law principles. The humour perspective derives from three competing paradigms for comprehending humour (Morreall 1986). One views humour as an expression of feelings of superiority over another person (e.g. Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes). Another aspect of humour, noted by Aristotle and Cicero and neglected until Kant and Schopenhauer developed it into the incongruity theory, perceives of humour as reaction to the perception of some incongruity. According to the third and latest theory, the relief theory of e.g. Herbert Spencer and Freud, laughter is the venting of superfluous nervous energy. Our analysis will be grounded on the first two perspectives. We will argue that the CRT perspective is consistent with the first theory of humour, the superiority theory, but that the other, the incongruity theory, enables us to move beyond CRT and presents a novel way of looking at games. By presenting stereotypical images of race in GTA3 as humorous, the player is provided with cues for reflecting and evaluating his/her own perspectives on issues of race. Through the unique properties of game interactivity players are allowed to explore different levels of incongruity in a way not possible with other linear forms of media. These perceptions of incongruity stem from the juxtaposition of images of race in GTA3 and the expectations of players, further exposing the characteristics of these expectations and providing impetus for personal reflection. Aarseth, E. J. (1997). Cybertext - Perspectives on Ergodic Literature, Johns Hopkins University Press. Anderson, C. A. and K. E. Dill (2000). "Video Games and Aggressive Thoughts, Feelings, and Behavior in the Laboratory and in Life." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology78. Ang, I. (1985). Watching Dallas : soap opera and the melodramatic imagination, Routledge. BBC News (2001). Crime plays in GTA3http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/reviews/1642890.stm. Accessed 2003-08-13 Delgado, R. and J. Stefanic (2000a). Critical Race Theory – The Cutting Edge, Temple University Press. Delgado, R. and J. Stefanic (2000b). Critical Race Theory – An Introduction, New York University Press. Griffiths, M. (1997). "Video Games and Aggression." Psychologist10. Grossman, D. (1995). On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society. Boston, Little, Brown. Gustafsson, C. (1994). Produktion av allvar: om det ekonomiska förnuftets metafysik. Stockholm, Nerenius & Santérus. Irwin, A. and A. Gross (1995). "Cognitive Tempo, Violent Video Games, and Aggressive Behavior in Young Boys." Journal of Family Violence10. Kirsh, S. J. (1998). "Seeing the World through Mortal Combat-colored Glasses: Violent Video Games and the Development of Short-term Hostile Attribution Bias." Childhood, a Global Journal of Child Research5. Leonard, D. (2003). ""Live in your world, play in ours": Race, video games, and consuming the other." Studies in Media & Information Literacy Education3(4). Morreall, J. (1986). The philosophy of laughter and humor. Albany, N.Y., State Univ. of New York Press. Murray, J. (1998). Hamlet on the Holodeck: The Future of Narrative in Cyberspace, MIT Press. Perry, D. C. (2001). Grand Theft Auto III Review. IGN. http://ps2.ign.com/articles/165/165548p1.html. Accessed 2003-08-23

Document type: 
Conference presentation

The Play’s the Thing: Practicing Play as Community Foundation and Design Technique

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-06-04
Abstract: 

THEME: Interdisciplinary: Changing Views It is generally understood that game development is a collaborative art – requiring and benefiting from the talents of individuals from disperse disciplines and backgrounds. In a professional setting, these individuals may or may not find ways to communicate effectively, depending on the size of the team and the strength of its leadership. But in the end, they are generally employed under the assumption that they can and will find their way amongst those of differing educations and biases to some sort of collaborative effort, harmonious or not. If they can not do this in the end, they can always be replaced. The basic nature of cross-disciplinary trial and error in a business setting is quite brutal: those who can play well with others, stay; those who cannot, move on. This rather haphazard approach to collaborative practice may have worked to date, but as game development becomes more and more complex, more specialized and requiring of larger and larger teams, the question of how to train a new generation of developers, not only in their own specializations, but in cross-disciplinary teamwork seems more important than ever. At the University of Southern California, there are a number of initiatives underway that try to answer not only the question of how or under what discipline to teach games, but, more importantly, how to create cross-disciplinary communities of students and researchers that can from the foundations for multi-talented teams that all speak and play the same language of game design. One such initiative is the USC Game Design Community. The goal of this organization is to use game play itself as a community building tool and design practice, to build a community of game designers and developers who communicate in the shared language of activity and play. Inspired by independent and alternative games culture, the USC Game Design Community is a collaboration between the Institute for Multimedia Literacy at the Annenberg Center for Communication and the Interactive Media Division at the USC School of Cinema-Television. Monthly game play events alternate between the Institute for Multimedia Literacy and the Game Innovation Lab at the School of Cinema-Television. These events include experimental play projects, game critique salons, and social teambuilding exercises. Through these interactions, the IML and the Interactive Media Division hope to raise cross-disciplinary dialogue, build a community based in playful practice, and empower students and researchers from all areas of game expertise to expand the palette of game design for the future. The results of these community building efforts will hopefully be seen in a series of interdisciplinary game projects funded by the Interactive Media Division and supported by the Game Design Community. The past year has included the following initial events which have each been documented and evaluated as to their success in building community and creating shared practices between various disciplines: a) Cooperative Game Play Experiment Inspired by the New Games Movement of the 1970’s, the Cooperative Game Play Experiment is an ongoing investigation into building community through play. By exploring the New Games Movement, the community hopes to facilitate discussion around the social mechanisms of digital games and how they can be improved for more quality social interaction – both in our games and in our development teams. b) Surrealist Game Play Experiment Inspired by Surrealist games and activities, the Surrealist Game Play Experiment is an ongoing investigation into unlocking creativity and introducing playful practice into the game design process. Word games, visual plays, provocations and re-inventions are the heart of Surrealist games and activities, a sort of "provocative magic" that results in unexpected and surprising results. By playing these games, the community hopes to spur creative thinking and discussion about the nature and practice of art and design and its relation to the more technical aspects of game design. c) Game Salons In an effort to promote literacy and critical thinking, the Game Salons are regular screenings and "deconstruction" of influential new video games. Game features are presented by students who have developed extensive save files and are prepared to discuss the game critically. Games include the controversial Grand Theft Auto: San Andreas and other influential titles. d) Teambuilding Events The community provides an ongoing forum for networking and team-building across University departments. Currently, this has been specifically geared toward development of teams for the Game Innovation Lab Research Grant (see below). In addition to in person networking via board games and multiplayer game events, prospective projects and talent are all listed on the community site for potential match-making. e) Game Innovation Lab Research Grant This grant provides $20,000 in funding for innovative games. The grant is awarded to multiple, cross-disciplinary student design teams based on project submissions. One or more teams receive a grant in the Fall, in the Spring, and in the Summer. Winning teams receive up to $20,000, a team office and equipment in the EA Game Innovation Lab, access to the lab’s usability testing facility and a faculty advisor/executive producer. All USC students are eligible to participate. The goals of the grant are to: • Provide funding and support for innovative student game projects and cross-disciplinary game development • Address important design problems that may have useful applications in the game industry • Investigate new game mechanics and push current game models beyond existing genres Current projects funded under the Game Innovation Grant are: Dyadin – Cooperative Game Play This project explores the potential of cooperative play mechanics in a 2-player adventure game. The story of Dyadin involves two overlapping worlds, and two characters occupying these worlds, but only able to affect objects in their own space. The core mechanic involves moving closer or farther away from the other character to change color and affect objects in the space. Players must cooperate or they cannot escape the puzzle and combat based levels. Dyadin was funded by the Game Innovation Lab as the first in a series of student-produced games addressing important design problems and innovations. The crew is a cross-disciplinary team from the School of Cinema-TV Interactive Media Division and the Viterbi School of Engineering. The Spring 2005 project(s) will be announced in December 2004. This experiment in using experimental types of game play to bring together a cross-disciplinary game design community is an ongoing process. The proposed article would be an evaluation of the various techniques attempted and the success, failure and learning found in them. In addition to post-mortem analysis, documentary footage and game results, there is also the potential to play some of the more successful game experiments with the conference audience, thereby extending the reach of the community beyond the limits of the USC campus.

Document type: 
Conference presentation

Abstract of Dynamic Range: When Game Design and Narratives Unite

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-06-01
Abstract: 

This paper proposes a tool and methodology for measuring the degree of freedom given to a player in any resource-driven game (that is, any game in which managing resources is an integral part of the gameplay). This concept, which I call the Dynamic Range, can be used namely to evaluate a given game system’s potential for developing emergent narratives, as defined by Henry Jenkins in his publication Game Design as Narrative Architecture. While Jenkins places at the heart of the creation of narratives the concept of spatiality, I will argue that narratives can be triggered just as well by a game’s very system – the rules that govern that which Janet Murray calls the participatory. Different game systems can stimulate narratives to different degrees; these possibilities can be examined by drawing a game’s dynamic range. I define the dynamic range as a measure of the extent to which a player can modify his resources in order to face a particular challenge requiring a specific set of said resources, without impairing his future odds of winning or survival. While resource-driven games can be globally defined as focusing on players managing resources toward the accomplishment of a goal, this definition needs some improvement if we are to put it to good use in the growing, conflicting context of game versus narrative as pointed out by Jesper Juul. I believe it is certainly possible to combine both of these worlds, although doing so requires us to move away from the Aristotelian model and reshape our definition of storytelling so as to center it on the player-reader, and not on the designer-author. All games do not allow a player to manage resources equally; specifically, games relying on manual dexterity and skill will usually offer less choices and decision-making problems than, for example, strategy or role-playing games. If one is to study the measure of a player’s freedom depending on different game systems, then, it follows that the latter example is a more interesting and complex question; after all, the freedom of a player in skill-based games is usually directly – and sometimes solely – dependant on the player’s perceptual or motor skills, hand-eye coordination, etc. When one is to evaluate and measure player freedom in resource-driven games, a theoretical tool is needed. That is why I propose a model to do so: to draw a game’s dynamic range is to compare the usual statistical values, amount of resources, or other mathematical attributes of the player in a normal situation, and the maximum statistical fluctuations he can attain by optimizing his resources to face a particular challenge. This paper compares the game systems of two computer games, Diablo and The Elder Scrolls III: Morrowind. What results from such a comparison is that, Diablo being a linear game, its game and character improvement system is as such, making the player’s character slightly better overall as he progresses in the game; whereas in Morrowind, arguably the most open-ended single-player video game ever, the player acquires but few artefacts giving a constant statistical improvement, and even those items are overpowered – both in raw statistical logic and common in-game usage and practicability – by the magical objects offering a short but strong increase in a select attribute. Thus Morrowind’s gameplay system favours the feat rather than the steady, constant increase in power, giving a creative player the ability to do almost anything. One key result from such a game design difference is that it stimulates emergent narratives. The term, following Jenkins’ definition, should be understood as a narrative emerging from the player’s manipulation of the game’s context. A player who is given a lot of freedom when playing a game – translated as a wide dynamic range – is prompt to creatively use that freedom so as to constantly reinvent the game. Indeed, some Morrowind players have their characters take off their armour before going to sleep, though it is a tedious process and has no statistical influence of any kind; others have their character regularly take Skooma – an illegal narcotic substance comparable to cocaine – not for the statistical boost in strength it offers, but to create the narrative track of playing a character addicted to heavy drugs (Note that the game itself does not make the character addicted; this is entirely the player’s own interpretation of the events he causes) . As beings communicating primarily by words, we function with tales and events, not numbers. Hence Morrowind players share their stories and accomplishments a great deal more than Diablo players used to when the game was at its popularity peak: its very wide dynamic range allows them to undertake quests way too perilous for their characters, and accomplish them by creatively using all the game system’s resources, whereas all Diablo characters follow the same road in a narrow dynamic range, thereby limiting the possibilities of a player having something interesting and unique to say. While a player cannot truly create events while playing a video game – he only gets to choose between pre-generated events, or, perhaps, to bring many pre-generated elements into an unexpected situation, as Juul wrote –, he can create new cognitive and psychological sense out of pre-generated events, in the same way we construct causality and attribute feelings of sympathy to a dog wagging its tail after seeing a neighbour’s dog, even though it may be that the two events are completely unrelated. Using the notion of dynamic range can help video game developers determine the amount of emergent narrative possibilities to include in a game so as to strike a balance between game and narrative, paving the way for alternative means of storytelling. ----- Sources used: Henry Jenkins, Game Design As Narrative Architecture Available online at http://web.mit.edu/21fms/www/faculty/henry3/games&narrative.html Jesper Juul, A Clash between Game and Narrative: A thesis on computer games and Interactive fiction Available online at http://www.jesperjuul.dk/thesis/ Aristotle, Poetics; Penguin Classics, Toronto, 1996 Roger Caillois, Les Jeux et les Hommes : Le masque et le vertige ; Gallimard, Saint-Amand, 1967 Mark J.P. Wolf & Bernard Perron, The Video Game Theory Reader; Routledge, New York, 2003 Janet Murray, Hamlet on the Holodeck: The Future of Narrative in Cyberspace; Free Press, New York, 1997 Pedro Faria, Jarulf’s Guide to Diablo and Hellfire Available online at http://members.core.com/~dfrease/Body/JG1.html

Document type: 
Conference presentation

The pleasures and practices of virtualised consumption in digital spaces

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-05-31
Abstract: 

A desire amongst individuals to engage in playful, consumption-like activities can now readily be observed in many digital games, but also other virtual spaces. In this paper we explore the emergence of games of virtual consumption. We identify a range of playful, virtual consumption experiences that are now available to individuals and consider possible reasons why individuals might find these attractive by comparing contemporary theory on consumption with conceptualisations of play. Many digital games allow individuals to ‘buy’ imaginary things. For example, players of Everquest can visit a virtual marketplace and spend money acquired in the game on virtual commodities. However, players may also bid real money for skilled avatars and rare artefacts on eBay; purchase virtual chairs while visiting an online hotel (visit habbohotel.com), and pamper virtual pets with virtual products (visit neopet.com). Companies even gift consumers with virtual commodities – ‘experiential freeware’, to borrow from Falk & Campbell’s (1997) description of shop windows– to play with. Marketers allow consumers to display working virtual copies of luxury goods (see bulgari.com); customise virtual cars (see mini.com); and put aside virtual copies of desirable goods in a personalised virtual space (see amazon.com). Other consumers simply find imaginative ways to play with online representations of goods. They browse at length online catalogues, brand sites, travel sites, or the pages of eBay’s auctions, imagining what it would be like to purchase. All these virtual goods that are enjoyed, occasionally used, and sometimes even bought but not owned in a physical sense appear to have an evocative power, similar to that of tangible commodities. Online browsing also appears to possess an ability to provide pleasures similar to real window shopping – itself a largely playful activity. And even games without direct reference to shopping, may allow for pleasures similar to those experienced by the real-life tourist-shopper (for example the flâneur exploring the exotic city in Grand Theft Auto). Consumer desire for virtual things is such that Castranova (2001) calculates that the area of eBay where people buy and sell virtual items traded $6,400,668 worth of virtual items and avatars. The attractions of virtual goods, makes Everquest’s Norrath, equivalent to the 77th richest nation in the ‘real’ world (Castranova, 2001). In concretising a desire for sought after skills, rare artefacts, or mundane objects to embellish their avatars, consumers have been said to spend from $5.00 on virtual designer outfits (Yoon, 2002) to $2,000 on powerful characters (Morris, 2002). Castranova (2001) argues that virtual worlds may be seen as fully fledged market economies. In order for virtual worlds to produce real economies we must also accept that the basis for these economies is an as yet little understood concept of virtual consumption. And this concept may be observed more widely than the confines of commercial video games. In contrast to those who eagerly spend money on ‘virtual goods’, other consumers are blamed for not buying real goods. They browse aimlessly, dreaming about what is presented on the screen. They eagerly fill shopping baskets with desired goodies only to then abandon them. Since the opening of one of the web’s first virtual mall, Shopping 2000, idlers, voyeurs, window-shoppers galore have done more loitering than purchasing. In 1996, Cyr (1996:1), noticing that substantial numbers of onlookers ventured into Shopping 2000, wrote "but so far, all those numbers represent a lot of window shipping; actual sales have proven elusive." Despite increased number of sales having been reported, the trend to window-shop remains. Over 60 percent of online shoppers abandon their shopping baskets before completing a transaction (Maravilla, 1999; Thumler, 2000; Bizrate, 1999), escalating to a 90 percent consumer etherisation after objects are viewed (Thumler, 2000). It has also been observed that rates of abandonment have increased with the value of the virtual booty; DoubleClick (2004) has reported that while the average shopping order is around $180, the abandoned cart was $352. As an antidote to consumers’ antipathy towards completing their orders, e-marketers have set out to continually improve design, security and customer service issues in an effort to address the ‘problem’. But this seems to be a contradiction. At the same time as there is increasing evidence for consumer demand for virtual consumption in digital games, online retailers convince themselves that behaviour that remains only focussed on the pleasures of virtual goods when visiting online stores is somehow a failure in the online experience. We therefore need to account for the various forms of virtualised consumption, highlighting the pleasures they may bring consumers and their separation from the world of material goods. We attempt this by considering historical developments in consumption practices, suggesting, like Kline, Dyer-Witheford & de Peuter (2003), that virtualised consumption may represent the latest stage in an ongoing, subtle transformation of consumption practices from a Fordist focus on utility to a post-Fordist focus on emotional value, sign value and playful, aesthetic experience. Here we consider the work of Baudrillard (1970), Campbell (1987), Featherstone, (1992) and Lee (1993), drawing parallels between conceptualisations of consumption as a symbolic, aesthetic, imaginary experience and play itself through the work of Caillios (1958), Turner (1982) and Sutton-Smith (1997). Viewed in this way, virtualised consumption no longer constitutes a failure on the part of consumers to continue to fill their lives with material possessions, but rather the ability of the market to stimulate consumers imaginations in new and exciting ways: to provide the individual with a range of compelling digital consumption games. We illustrate these games by considering further examples of playful, virtual consumption from online shopping behaviour to behaviour in commercial digital games. We conclude by speculating on the implications of these playful forms of consumption for individuals and for a consumer society, highlighting the potential for these various liminoid spaces to transform the meaning of consumption for these players and therefore for the broader acceptance of the importance of material versus virtual goods. We suggest that an understanding of virtual consumption is therefore of interest to both marketers in their search for effective communication through ‘adver-games’ and other interactive functions and also for game designs who incorporate elements of consumption in their games. References Baudrillard, J. ([1970] 1998) The Consumer Society, Myths & Structures, UK: London BizRate.com (2000) BizRate Press Release, 23 October 2000, [Path: http://bizrate.com/content/press/release.xpml?rel=88.] (accessed 1 May 2002) Caillois, R. (1958). Les jeux et les homes. Paris: Gallimard. Campbell, C. (1987) The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Modern Consumerism, UK: IDEAS Castravona, E. (2001). Virtual Worlds: A First-Hand Account of Market and Society on the Cyberian Frontier, California State University at Fullerton - Department of Economics. 2002. Cyr, D. (1996) Marketing on the information superhighway: growing pains, American Demographics, Jan/Feb, 46 Falk, P. & Campbell, C. (1997) Introduction, In: The Shopping Experience, Falk.P. & Campbell, C. (editors), UK: London Featherstone, M. (1991) Consumer culture & postmodernism, UK: Sage Publications Kline, S. ,Dyer-Witheford, N. & de Peuter, G. (2003) Digital Play, The Interaction of Technology, Culture, and Marketing, Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press Lee. M.J. (1993) Consumer Culture Reborn, London: Routledge Maravilla, N. M. (1999) The case of the abandoned shopping carts, Powerhomebiz.com, [Path: http://www.powerhomebiz.com/vol13/shoppingcarts.htm] Morris, C. (2002) Imaginary worlds. Real Cash, publishers aren’t the only ones profiting from online games, CNNMONEY, January, 16 [Path: http://money.cnn.com/2002/01/16/technology/column_gaming/] Sutton-Smith (1997) The Ambiguity of Play, Cambridge: Harvard University Press Thumlert, K. (2000) Abandoned Shopping Carts: Enigma or Sloppy E-Commerce?, e-commerceguide.com, June 27, 2001, [Path: http://www.ecommerce-guide.com/news/trends/article.php/792581] DoubleClick (2004) DoubleClick Q2 2004 E-Commerce Site Trend Report, [Path: http://66.102.9.104/search?q=cache:mMxGlMDeVUkJ:emea.doubleclick.net/WEB_ADMIN/documents/dc_q204ecommercetrends_emea_0408.pdf+DoubleClick+rates+of+abandonment+increase+with+value&hl=en] Turner (1982) From Ritual to Theatre, New York: PAJ Publications Yoon, S. (2002) Does my avatar look fat in this? The Age, June 14th#, [Path: http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2002/06/13/1023864322825.html?oneclick=true] (accessed June, 15 2003)

Document type: 
Conference presentation

Towards Emotionally Adapted Games based on User Controlled Emotion Knobs

Author: 
Date created: 
2005-05-27
Abstract: 

In this paper, we present a framework for a gaming personalization system to systematically facilitate user-selected desired emotional states during gameplay with control knobs that regulate the emotional impact of the game. Underlying the framework is a Psychological Customization system. It entails personalization of the way of presenting information (user interface, visual layouts, modalities, narrative structures and other factors) per user or user group to create desired transient psychological effects and states, such as emotion, attention, involvement, presence, persuasion and learning (Saari and Turpeinen, 2004; Turpeinen and Saari, 2004). By varying the form of information presented in a game in an emotionally intelligent way it may be possible to achieve such effects. Theory, key concepts, available empiric evidence and an example of user controlled emotional gaming as well as a basic system design are presented. Psychological Customization includes modeling of individuals, groups, and communities to create psychological profiles and other profiles based on which customization may be conducted. In addition, a database of design rules is needed to define the desired cognitive and emotional effects for different types of profiles. Once these components are in place, content management technologies can be extended to cover variations of form and substance of information based on psychological profiles and design rules to create the desired psychological effects. (Turpeinen and Saari, 2004) Gaming research is often conducted on the basis of game content and genre analysis, typologies of gaming styles or consumption, narrative elements of the game and sales of games. Outside narrative elements of a game, also the factors related to the presentation of the substance of the game or the form of the game, such as visual representations of the gaming events, amount and pace of image motion, audio effects and background music, and the level of interactivity offered to the player, are important from the point of view of emotion. A basic approach to an element to be adapted inside a game is a psychologically validated template that is embedded inside the game to create a particular psychological effect. A broad view of templates may be that the whole game consists of a database of psychologically validated templates that are presented in sequences. A limited view entails that a smaller collection of templates is used. The element of psychological evaluation means that the selected psychological influence (such an emotional response) of the template on a particular type of user is sufficiently well predictable. These psychologically evaluated templates may consist of i) manipulating the substance of a game, such as story line (initiating events, new characters etc.) and manipulating the situations specifically related to the character of the player (such as putting the character into sudden and dangerous situations inside the game) and ii) manipulating the form or way of presentation of the game (such as visual elements, shapes, colours, types of objects, sound effects, background music, level of interactivity and feedback etc.). The difficulty level of the game may also be continuously automatically be adjusted, thereby keeping the skills and challenges in balance, which results in a maintenance of an optimal emotional experience and possibly also a flow-state. (Saari et al, in press) Introducing the element of user-controlled emotional regulation into such a gaming system happens by building a user experience control knob for the system. The user could select between emotions, such as wanting high arousal and positive emotion as much as possible or wanting to be calm and non-aroused while playing. One may also offer content-characteristic emotional regulation, such as less or more violence. This kind of a system could act as a parental control system for controlling the arousal states during childrens´ gameplay. One solution to verify the emotional reactios of the user during gaming is to have the user linked to a psychophysiological measurement system. An important advantage of psychophysiological measurements is that they can be performed continuously during game playing and have a high level of temporal precision. (Saari et al, in press) Several scenarios of using an emotional regulation system for gaming will be presented in the paper. It should be noted that from the point of view of ecological validity it may be stated that the key to a "good" fighting or war game is the optimal division of different types of emotional experiences while gaming, rather than just intensifying for instance excitement and arousal all the time. For instance, fear and hatred may be skillfully interlaced with joy and positive emotion. In other words, some parts of the game contain hatred and fear but there also have to be parts in which these are relieved and moments of victory and joy can be experienced (a terrible enemy has finally been devastated by the player). The value of the basic system design and approach presented in the article to HCI is obvious as a basis of new kind of paradigm for user controlled Human Computer Interaction based on emotional regulation. References Saari, T. and Turpeinen, M. (2004) Towards Psychological Customization of Information for Individuals and Social Groups. In Karat, M-C., Blom, J. and Karat. J. (eds.) Personalization of User Experiences for eCommerce, Kluwer, Germany. Saari, T., Ravaja, N., Laarni, J., Kallinen, K. and Turpeinen, M. (in press) Towards emotionally adapted Games. Accepted to Presence 2004 Turpeinen, M. and Saari, T. (2004) System Architechture for Psychological Customization of Information. Proceedings of HICSS-37- conference, 5.-8.1. 2004, Hawaii.

Document type: 
Conference presentation